Analysis of the causes of the disintegration of Ukraine and Russia and the Association of Ukraine with the European Union. Reducing trade barriers, reform and the involvement of Ukraine in the international network by attracting foreign investment.
При низкой оригинальности работы "Economic integration of ukraine with the EU under disintegration with Russia", Вы можете повысить уникальность этой работы до 80-100%
The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU (AA) [European Atomic Energy Community, European Union, The Member States, Ukraine: 2014] aimed at enlarging the area, where Ukrainian exporters can trade with minimal barriers and at implementing best-practice standards of the EU economic regulation in Ukraine. Economic and political reaction of Russia turned out to be excessively hard relatively the potential risks of the AA for its economy. Havlik stated that if Russia used trade measures against Ukraine, the most sensitive industry would be machine building mostly located in the Eastern Ukraine [Havlik: 2014]. L. V. Russia declared about several economic risks of the AA for its economy: • importing goods from the EU, which could formally be considered as Ukrainian; The hybrid economic war of Russia aiming at retarding reforms and deepening social and economic crisis in Ukraine includes the following components: • more than 40 trade wars and 4 gas wars against Ukraine in 2004-16;Under better geopolitical scenarios they could integrate with each other or at least benefit from open bloc trade creation effect instead of trade diversion and disintegration. We considered structural difference of exports, incomplete preferential treatment, possibility to protect Russian producers with more civilized measures, and potential benefits for Russia from growing market in Ukraine under better geopolitical scenario. But Russia had several times more export losses from its own actions against Ukraine and several dozens more losses caused by sanctions of Western countries, falling oil and gas prices, investments in import substitutions, high military expenditure and cost of supporting occupied territories. Devaluation of hryvnia and decreased wages in Ukraine have more negative effect on Russian exports than preferential treatment under the AA, although in the middle-term period. On average countries lost 4 times more from shrinking of the Russian market than of the Ukrainian one (but disproportionally much more in the Ukrainian market considering asymmetry in size of Ukrainian and Russian economies).
Вывод
The fundamental reason for political and economic confrontation in the West- Ukraine-Russia triangle is the existence of two main integration attractors in Europe: Western Europe / the EU and Russia / the EAEU. Despite competition between them, they also have some complementary features. Under better geopolitical scenarios they could integrate with each other or at least benefit from open bloc trade creation effect instead of trade diversion and disintegration.
AA is only a minor challenge for Russian economy despite the fears expressed by Russian government. We considered structural difference of exports, incomplete preferential treatment, possibility to protect Russian producers with more civilized measures, and potential benefits for Russia from growing market in Ukraine under better geopolitical scenario.
But Russia had several times more export losses from its own actions against Ukraine and several dozens more losses caused by sanctions of Western countries, falling oil and gas prices, investments in import substitutions, high military expenditure and cost of supporting occupied territories. The largest damage was inflicted on energy sector, financial sector and defense industry. Devaluation of hryvnia and decreased wages in Ukraine have more negative effect on Russian exports than preferential treatment under the AA, although in the middle-term period. Worsening image of Russia is another negative effect for it, which is related to decreasing economic links of Russia and the rest of the world.
In the West-Ukraine-Russia triangle Ukraine suffered from the largest relative losses (especially for exports of agricultural products, metals and machines to Russia). Uncontrolled territories as the smallest economies are especially vulnerable. Thus benefits of better access to the EU market, its financial aid and new export destinations has not been able to offset the massive pressure of Russia.
Russia, China and Germany had the largest absolute losses from shrinking of the Ukrainian market; Belarus, Lithuania and Hungary - relatively their GDP. Germany, China and Ukraine had the largest absolute losses from shrinking of the Russian market; Belarus, Lithuania and Ukraine - relatively their GDP. The U.S. had the lowest losses among the large economies. Bulgaria and Romania had more losses form shrinking of the Ukrainian market than of the Russian one. On average countries lost 4 times more from shrinking of the Russian market than of the Ukrainian one (but disproportionally much more in the Ukrainian market considering asymmetry in size of Ukrainian and Russian economies). Shrinking of the Russian market inflicted damage mainly on small economies. In the Ukrainian market the difference between the effects on small and large economies was insignificant.
Ukraine suffered much more (relatively GDP) from bilateral disintegration than Russia, however the absolute export losses are larger in Russia. But Russias relative losses from disintegration with its main trade partners are larger than losses of Ukraine in the Russian market. Relatively GDP Russia faced 3 times more damage than the U.S. and 13.5 times more than the EU, despite that the EU had the largest losses among the Western countries.
Revival of investment activity of domestic and foreign enterprises is a crucial factor of restoration of economic growth in Ukraine under development of integration and disintegration processes. The AA should be treated as an important instrument of Ukraines integration into international production networks, because tariff liberalization only will not provide large positive effect for the national economy. Investors should be provided with the guarantee of territorial integrity, sovereignty and security of Ukraine. Unless it is guaranteed, there are serious risks for participation of Ukrainian enterprises in international production networks, and thus efficient implementation of the AA and DCFTA in particular can be questioned.
Settling the issue of territorial integrity of Ukraine and return to a non-confrontation in international economic relations could provide benefits for all the affected countries thanks to easing tension in international relations, decreasing trade diversion and better integration prospects. But it largely depends on the position of Russian Federation on supporting or de-escalation of the conflict.
It is important for Ukraine to have a cross-membership in FTA with its main trade partners including the EU and the CIS. In ideal scenario the EU-Ukraine AA could be a link between the EU and the EAEU as a pilot project on the way to their cooperation and integration. In particular a moderately deep FTA between the EU and EAEU could decrease stakes in geopolitical and geoeconomic struggle for Ukraine.
Integration is also about values and institutions. There are two main models of social and economic development in the region: European and Eurasian ones, and Ukraine had to make a choice between them. By signing and implementing the AA instead of classical FTA Ukraine made also a choice in favor of the European development model.
Список литературы
1. European Atomic Energy Community; European Union; The Member States; Ukraine (2014) Association Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine of the other part, 2. Беррес Л. (2014) ‘Украина пугает нестрашными санкциями’ [Ukraine frightens with unscary sanctions], Московский комсомолец, 167: 2.
3. Будкін В. С. (2014) ‘Геополітичні та геоекономічні наслідки Російсько-Українського конфлікту’ [Geopolitical and geoeconomic consequences of the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine], Актуальні проблеми міжнародних відносин 121(І): 201-209.
4. Бураковський І. et al. (2016) Біла книга. Як реалізувати експортний потенціал України за умов глобалізації. Пропозиції щодо політики сприяння розвитку українського експорту [White book. How to apply export potential of Ukraine under globalization. Proposals for Ukrainian export development facilitation policy]. Київ : Інститут економічних досліджень і політичних консультацій, АО «АФ «Сергій Козьяков та Партнери», 5. РБК daily (2014) ‘Цена экономической войны’ [Price of economic war], РБК daily 221: 3.
7. Ческидов Б. М. (2014) ‘Применение экономических санкций и принципы минимизации их воздействия’ [Using economic sanctions and the principles of minimizing their impact], Финансы 11: 11-16.
8. Шинкарук Л. В. (2014) ‘Економічний вимір участі України в інтеграційних процесах’ [Economic dimention of Ukjraines participation in integration processes], Вісник Національної академії наук України 5: 56-61.
9. Baldacchino G., Bertram G. (2009) ‘The Beak of the Finch: Insights into the Economic Development of Small Economies’, The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs 98 (401): 141-160, 10. Brenton P. (2000) Trade Policies in the EU and Ukraine: Implications for a Free Trade Agreement, Prepared under EES Project UK 26: Study on the economic feasibility, general economic impact and implications of a free trade agreement between the European Union and Ukraine according to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. Brussels.
11. ECORYS (2010) Trade Sustainability Impact Assessment for the FTA between the EU and Ukraine within the Enhanced Agreement. Rotterdam.
12. Emerson M. (2014) Trade Policy Issues in the Wider Europe - that Led to War and not yet to Peace, CEPS working document (398). Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies.
13. Emerson M., Movchan V., eds. (2016). DEEPENINGEU-Ukrainian Relations. What, Why and How? Brussels, London, Kyiv: Centre for European Policy Studies, Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting, Rowman & Littlefield International.
14. Emerson, M. et al. (2006) The Prospects of Deep Free Trade between the European Union and Ukraine. Brussels: Center for European Policy Studies.
15. Frey M., Olekseyuk-Viber Z. (n.d.) Effects of Trade Liberalization between the EU and Ukraine in a Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) Model, 16. Havlik P. (2014) ‘Vilnius Eastern Partnership Summit: Milestone in EU-Russia Relations - not just for Ukraine’, Danube: Law and Economic Review (5): 21-51, 17. Hufbauer G. C., Schott J. J., Elliott K. A., Oegg B. (2007). Economic Sanctions Reconsidered. 3rd ed. Washington, D.C.: Peterson Institution for International Economics.
18. International Monetary Fund (2016) World Economic Outlook Database, April 2016 Edition, 19. International Monetary Fund (n.d.) Direction of Trade Statistics, 20. Kulik S., Spartak A., Vinokurov E., Yurgens I. (2014) Two Integration Projects in Europe: Dead End of Struggle. MPRA Paper (61636), 21. Maliszewska M., Orlova I., Taran S. (2011) ‘Deep Integration with the EU: Impact on Selected ENP Countries and Russia’, in: M. Dabrowski, M. Maliszewsk (eds.) EU Eastern Neighbourhood: Economic Potential and Future Development. Berlin: Springer.
22. Movchan V., Shportyuk V. (2011) ‘Between Two Unions: Optimal Regional Integration Strategy for Ukraine’, Proceedings of the 13 th Annual Conference of the European Trade Study Group (ETSG), Copenhagen, 8-10 September 2011. (13th : 2011 : Copenhagen, Denmark). Copenhagen: ETSG, 2011.
23. Oxford Economics (2012) The Impact of an FTA between Ukraine and the EU, Prepared for the Foundation for Effective Governance. Oxford.
24. Sharov O. (2015) Economy of the EU: Sanctions against Russia and their Reverse Effect, Journal of European Economy 14(2): 166-182.
25. Shepotylo O. (2010). A Gravity Model of net Benefits of EU Membership: the case of Ukraine, Journal of Economic Integration 25(4): 676-702.
26. Shnyrkov O. I., Rogach O. I., Chugaiev O. A. (2015) ‘Russias Concerns for the EU-Ukraine Association: Myths and Realities’, Journal Global Policy and Governance 4 (20): 33-49
27. State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2016) Statistical Information
28. The Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting (2011) Ukraines Trade Policy Choice: Pros and Cons of Different Regional Integration Options. Kyiv, 29. World Trade Organization (n.d.) Tariff Profiles, 30. World Trade Organization (2016) Trade Policy Review Report by Ukraine, 31. UNCTADSTAT (2016) Trade Structure by Partner, Product or Service-Category, Размещено на .ru
Вы можете ЗАГРУЗИТЬ и ПОВЫСИТЬ уникальность своей работы